_za

_za OP wrote

Dialectic Soul was recorded live in the studio over two days, with Gamedze joined by bassist Thembinkosi Mavimbela, tenor saxophonist Buddy Wells, and trumpet player Robin Fassie-Kock. Their lithe interplay is introduced on the three-part “State of Emergence Suite,” as the drummer’s tumbling fills set the stage for spotlighted moments from each instrumentalist. The quartet continue to showcase their versatility on the searching solos of “Eternality” and celebratory sound of “Hope In Azania,” named for what Gamedze describes in his liner notes as “an imagined liberated South Africa.” The drummer’s voice appears on “Interregnum,” where he recites his original short story about a young child discovering the historical task to carry on the traditions of their ancestors. Dialectic Soul’s most moving passage is “Siyabulela,” a reworked gospel song that finds the group slowing its pace to a gentle sway as singer Nono Nkoane adds her gorgeous vocals to the meditative celebration of life. It may be sad, and a moment to pause on, but Gamedze is quick to point out in the closing words from his album notes that the group can’t rest for long: “The soul is dialectic. Motion is imperative. We keep moving.”

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_za OP wrote

A great new mini-documentary on the Amadiba people's long-term struggle against transnational mining capital and the South African state.
From Wet’suwet’en to Xolobeni - force is not consent!

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_za OP wrote

From the Busting crew:

We said it from the beginning, before anyone had looked into it closely: The people who are the most alarmist about farm murders in South Africa are old-flag bearing racists who want Apartheid back. Well, their international counterparts are no different. Thankfully the rest of the world has caught up to the fact that anyone who peddles this nonsense is simply racist.
The past few years, far-right maniacs like Katie Hopkins jumped at the opportunity to portray whites as the victims of genocide at the hands of black people in a foreign country. This serves only one purpose: To reinforce racial divisions at home and ensure white supremacy continues around the world.
We saw a slew of articles on various websites and blogs calling for an end to the "genocide" or "ethnic cleansing" of farmers, and a stop to the land-reform process ("land grabs"). None of the articles mentioned that white people are actually the safest group in the country, or that a genocide would not target black farm workers, or farmers who were non-white. None of them mention the shocking inequality that is at the root of all South African crime.
Katie Hopkins released her own "documentary" – Plaasmoorde: The Killing Fields, a grim propaganda piece filled with testimonies from dubious characters, but almost devoid of facts, information or context to our country.
Little surprise that Trump keeps retweeting her: They both despise immigrants who are from non-white countries, they both love fear-mongering to win support. They both have a complete disregard for facts and context, especially when it doesn't serve them.

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_za wrote

Zizek is about a skip away from full on white genocide in South Africa rhetoric in this thing. I was impressed with how little Peterson knows about anything, sad to see Zizek working hard to catch up.

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_za wrote

Reply to by hasbrochem

More on this: Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation) was the armed wing of the ANC that came about when they gave up nonviolence approaches. This is a part of their manifesto. More here.

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_za OP wrote

Someone's comment: "I have been pointing out that, as part of the very minimum, South African universities need to create institutes and centers for critical studies of liberalism, in addition to spaces that seriously explore Black Consciousness and decoloniality. Otherwise, the liberal conception and rhetoric of “freedom,” individual merit, etc. will continue playing an ultra-conservative (and, indeed, colonizing) role in a context where substantial forms of justice are well overdo. Liberalism postpones these forms of justice ad infinitum, or removes them from the horizon of possibility (while expecting gratitude by the affected majority), and then acts surprised and offended when people respond with rage to the order that liberals consider normal. The liberal considers this rage excessive and irrational—as if it was expecting the impossible—, without been able to critically assess the limits of their own liberalism. Universities have failed everyone by uncritically adhering to a liberal credo and an attitude that has served as a refuge, or rather an anchor, for whiteness; failing to provide critical tools to analyze the connections between liberalism and the workings of anti blackness and white supremacy. In the South African context this has been in no small part because, in the context of apartheid, liberals saw themselves as the cure to the problem of segregation and cannot generally conceive, even to this day, that liberalism might actually remain an ideology and attitude that preserves, rather than calls into question, white supremacy, even when whites are a numerical minority. Let’s not forget that liberalism was part of a racial order even before fascism and “apartheid” ruled. And this is not even talking about neoliberalism’s role in the situation. This analysis also applies, with a few modifications, to the U.S., where liberalism reigns in institutions of higher learning. In the U.S., liberalism has translated the challenge that various ethnic studies fields pose to coloniality as interdisciplinarity or worse. How can it be otherwise given that liberalism (along with much of the liberal arts and sciences) doesn’t count with the proper concepts or optic to identify coloniality, and much less to oppose it."

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